The situation is different with the depiction of popular sovereignty discussed above as being legitimised by a society without a defined or unifying body. The attempt to temporarily fill the empty space of power has become the core characteristic of modern democracy recognising the contingent ground of the social. The contingent moment has entered David’s picture of Marat in the guise of the insubstantiality of the sovereign’s body reflecting the challenges of politics to navigate through an ever changing field of conflictive interests. The portrait of Marat is not a model of sovereignty; it has turned into its own image, a reflection on the concept of sovereignty as it were.
In       opposition to the    portraits of   Louis XIV where    the   model   of     transcendent  sovereignty  and  the concept   of the   body      politic     collapse in  the image of the king,  the  portrait     of    the  dead  Marat      demonstrates a different image of the        political.   Here,  the   image    of the  sovereign is no longer      identical  with  the   model  of      sovereignty and does  no longer      represent the organic   unity   of    the    people. Instead, the  image      of the sovereign shows its          non-identity  with the  model of     sovereignty.  The examination of the          sovereign’s   portrait,     which reveals an  intellectual shift from a      divine      model   to a    self-reflexive image, can  thus help to  clarify      the          inextricable connection between political power   and its         (aesthetic)       forms of representation, which not only  played a          central role  at the      court of Louis XIV but remains   relevant to    the       democratic systems of      our time.
In   this  regard, I   would      like to  reassess the  quote  of    John   Quincy  Adams as   cited at the      beginning of  this essay.  Adams        rightly   criticises the idea  that  a    democratic society  cannot   be         subsumed under one symbolic      representation in the  sense of  the      absolute     monarch. However,  he     seems to  misunderstand  the    necessity  of  an     imaginary image  of  the     social which  lies at    the very bottom  of      democratic   thinking. The    essence of    democracy is only  «iconoclastic»         regarding     mimetic   models of    transcendent  sovereignty, which  attempt    to         ground their      authority in a realm  beyond  society’s     discursive      practices.      Yet,   it is anything but   iconoclastic   in   the  sense of the         self-reflexive    power of  aesthetic       representation.    
As a mental concept of the social, which is the imaginary identity of the body politic, the image finds its correspondence in the countless variations of material image production of the mass media, fine arts and popular culture which all share in the symbolic formation of society. The role of the various image strategies in modern democracy is no longer the display of a given authority but the constant reminder that the negotiation of its appearance is its very essence. In this sense, the visual negotiations of society’s symbolic order are merging into broader pictorial discourses exceeding the strategic use of the single image.





